Sexual Assault Pregnancy and Abortion

Thomas W. Strahan Memorial Library
Index
Standard of Care for Abortion
Abortion Decision-Making
Psychological Effects of Abortion
Social Effects and Implications
Physical Effects of Abortion
Abortion and Maternal Mortality
Adolescents and Abortion
Definition of Terms
Women's Health After Abortion
Material Yet to be Cataloged
Strahan Summary Articles

Sub-Index
Psychological Effects
Validity of Studies
Reviews
Risk Factors
PTSD
Grief and Loss
Guilt
Ambivalence or Inner Conflict
Anxiety
Intrusion / Avoidance / Nightmares
Denial
Dissociation
Narcissism
Self-Image
Self Punishment
Depression
Psychiatric Treatment
Self-Destructive Behavior
Substance Abuse
Long-Terms Effects of Abortion
Replacement Pregnancies
Sterilization
Impact of Abortion On Others
Violence
Rape, Incest, Sexual Assault
After Late Term Abortion

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Contents Rape Incest

Rape

Victims and Victors. Speaking Out About Their Pregnancy, Abortion and Children Resulting from Sexual Assault, ed. David C Reardon, Julie Makimaa, and Amy Sobie (Springfield, IL: Acorn Books, 2000)

Analysis of pregnancy arising from rape or incest including anecdotal stories of women.

"Report of Sandra Mahkorn, MD," Issues in Law and Medicine 14(4):433-441, Spring, 1999.

Discusses the myths and realities of pregnancy following sexual assault. If a woman becomes pregnant following sexual assault, it is often difficult to determine if the pregnancy was the result of the assault, or another voluntary sexual encounter. DNA testing is available. Unfortunately, victims are often not aware of this option prior to a decision to abort.

"Rape-related pregnancy estimates and descriptive characteristics from a national sample of women," MM Holmes et al, Am J Obstet Gynecol 175(2): 320-324, 1996

A national probability sample of U.S. women found that rape-related pregnancy was 5% per rape among victims of reproductive age (12-45); 32.4% did not discover they were pregnant until the second trimester ;32.2% opted to keep the infant, 50% had an abortion, 5.9% placed the infant for adoption, and 11.8% had a spontaneous abortion.

Another way of summarizing these findings is that of those women reporting a rape pregnancy, 12% had a spontaneous abortion, 38% gave birth (84% choosing to keep the baby and 16% choosing adoption). While, 50% had an abortions, the study had no information on how many felt pressured to do so. For more insight into what the half who have abortions experience, one needs to look at interviews with such women, such as those found in Victims and Victors.

Voluntary and involuntary childlessness in female veterans: associations with sexual assault. Ryan GL, Mengeling MA, Booth BM, Torner JC, Syrop CH, Sadler AG. Fertil Steril. 2014 Aug;102(2):539-47. doi: 10.1016/j.fertnstert.2014.04.042. Epub 2014 May 27.

In a sample of 1,004 female veterans enrolled at VA medical centers, 620 had a history of at least one attempted or completed sexual assault. "Twenty-two servicewomen reported becoming pregnant as a direct result of a completed assault, and 10 of these women (45%) chose an early termination of that pregnancy."

"Issues in statutory rape law enforcement: the views of district attorneys in Kansas," HL Miller et al, Family Planning Perspectives 30(4): 177-181.

The 1996 federal welfare reform law calls for reduction of adolescent pregnancy rates through aggressive enforcement of statutory rape laws at the local and state level. A survey of Kansas district- attorneys found that 74% favored aggressive enforcement, but only 37% believed the public would support aggressive enforcement.

"Prevalence of sexual assault: A survey of 2404 puerperal women," A.J. Satin et al ,Am J. Obstet. Gynecol. 167: 973-975, 1992

A study of indigent women at Parkland Memorial Hospital in Dallas who delivered infants in 1991 found that five percent of puerperal women reported a history of sexual assault. These women have more frequent pregnancy complications but achieve normal pregnancy outcomes.

Lime 5. Exploited by Choice, Mark Crutcher, (Denton, Texas: Life Dynamics, Inc, 1996).

This book contains a valuable chapter on rape and sexual assault on women by those who are involved in the abortion industry.

"Sexual Abuse as a Factor in Adolescent Pregnancy and Child Maltreatment," D. Boyer, D. Fine, Family Planning Perspectives 24(1): 4, Jan/Feb 1992

Among 535 young women, 80% of whom were age 15-19, and who had become pregnant as adolescents, two-thirds had been sexually abused. Some 55% had been molested, 42% had been victims of attempted rape and 44% had been raped. Among those who had been raped 11% became pregnant. The average age at first rape was 13.1 (SD=3.1); the age of the perpetrator was 22.6 (SD=8.4)

"Pregnancy and Sexual Assault," Sandra K. Mahkom, in The Psychological Aspects of Abortion ed. D. Mall and W.F. Watts, (Washington D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979), 53-72.

In a fraction of a percent of rape cases, pregnancy does occur and it is a matter to be seriously and sympathetically addressed. In a study of 37 women who became pregnant following rape, 28 chose to continue their pregnancy, 5 chose abortion and 4 could not be determined. Seventeen women were extensively counseled. With supportive counseling two out of three women changed from initially negative attitudes to a positive viewpoint. None changed to a more negative viewpoint throughout the course of their pregnancy. It was found that the pregnant woman becomes progressively aware of the individuality and innocence of the fetus or unborn child. See also "Sexual Assault and Pregnancy," S. Mahkorn and W. Dolan in New Perspectives on Human Abortion, ed. T. Hilgers, D. Horan and D. Mall (Washington D.C.: University Publications of America, 1981), 182-198.

His Eye is on the Sparrow, Ethel Waters and Charles Samuels (Garden City [N.Y.]: Doubleday & Co., 1951).

Ethel Waters, the famous Black actress, authored the above titled book. (She is quoted as follows: "Some people disclaim their natural habitat. I always named my origin. It didn't hold me back and neither did my color. I was born in poverty. My father raped my mother when she was twelve years old. I was born out of wedlock.")

"Facing the Hard Cases," Mary Meehan, Human Life Review 9(3): 19-36, Summer 1983.

The revulsion people feel for the crime of rape carries over to the rape victim and any child who may have resulted from the unwelcome union. The child is never thought of as an entity deserving of consideration-only a blot to be removed."

"Aborted Women: Silent No More," David C. Reardon, (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1987).

Testimony of Debbie "Nelson" who was raped and had an abortion: "I still feel that I probably couldn't have loved that child conceived of rape, but there are so many people who could have loved that baby dearly. The man who raped me took a few moments of my life, but I took that innocent baby's entire life. That is not justice as I see it." Testimony of Jackie Bakker: "When I learned I was pregnant (from rape), my boyfriend and all my friends-including my girlfriend (who was also raped but not pregnant) deserted me. They all acted like I was the plague."

"Rape and Abortion: Don't Forget Robin," Mary Meehan, Human Life Review16(1):55-62, Winter, 1990

Cites a number of instances of pregnancy following rape with a favorable outcome. Racism is a possible implicating factor in support of abortion following rape.

"Rape: An Organized Approach to Evaluation and Treatment," Hunt, American Family Physician 15(1): 154-158(1977).

Abortion was suggested if pregnancy results from rape.

"The Rape Victim: Psychodynamic Considerations," . Notman and Nadelson, Am. J. Psychiatry 133(4):408-412 (1976).

Good overview of the impact of rape on a woman.

Should a Mother Tell Her Child He Was Conceived in a Rape? What psychologists recommend. By Brian Palmer

Suggestions for preparing a child to eventually learn the truth about a rapist father. Example: "Mothers often use what psychologists call a “soft truth,” saying that the father wanted to be with her more than she wanted to be with the father. When the child gets slightly older, some mothers decide to explain in vague terms that the father committed some act of violence against her. These disclosures begin to prepare the child to hear the truth, once he’s old enough to understand it."

"When I Was Pregnant After Rape, I Wanted to Kill the Rapist, Not My Baby" Maria Krasinski

The author describes herself as a pro-life, Democrat, lesbian who was the victim of rape who chose to carry her daughter to term and place her for adoption."

Incest

Victims and Victors. Speaking Out About Their Pregnancy, Abortion, and Children Resulting from Sexual Assault, ed. David C Reardon, Julie Makimaa, and Amy Sobie (Springfield, IL: Acorn Books, 2000)

Analysis of pregnancy arising from rape or incest including anecdotal stories of women.

"Report of Sandra Mahkorn, MD," Issues in Law and Medicine 14(4):433-441, Spring, 1999.

Discusses the myths and realities of pregnancy from incest.

The Secret Trauma, Diana E.H. Russell, (New York: Basic Books, 1986)

There are a few studies on the prevalence of incestuous abuse of women. In a 1978 San Francisco study of 930 adult female residents, 16% reported at least one experience of incestuous abuse before age 18. Only 4 of these cases (2%) were ever reported to the police. 4.5% of the 930 women reported having been sexually abused by a father; 4.9% by an uncle, 2% by a brother and 1.2% by a grandfather. Female abusers constituted only 5% of the total number of abusers. Sexual abuse by stepfathers was far more prevalent than sexual abuse by biological fathers. 17% of the women raised by a stepfather were sexually abused by him before age 14 compared to only 2% of the women who were raised by biological fathers.

Incest, Herbert Maisch, tr. Colin Beame, (New York: Stein and Day Publications, 1972).

In a German study of 13 cases in which incest resulted in pregnancy, three of the male partners suggested abortion and three others actually tried to abort their own daughters or step-daughters (two were successful). Ed. Note: The state would have an interest in childbirth in case of incest to prevent the possible cover-up of a crime.

"Inconsistencies in genetic counseling and screening for consanguineous couples and their offspring: the need for practice guidelines," RL Bennett et al, Genet Med 1(6):286-292, Sept/Oct 1999

A survey of board certified genetic counselors found wide variation in the risk figures quoted to consanguineous couples and their offspring with birth defects and mental retardation ( 1% to 75% for incest between first-degree relatives, and 0.25% to 20% for first cousin unions). The need for genetic practice guidelines was expressed.

Aborted Women: Silent No More, David C. Reardon, (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1987).

Traumatic testimony of Edith Young, who became pregnant by her stepfather following rape/incest. Her mother and stepfather procured an abortion for her without telling her what was to happen. Twenty-six years later she still had emotional and physical scars from her incest and abortion experience. She said, "The abortion has not been in my best interest.. " it only saved their reputations, solved their problems", and "allowed their lives to go merrily on."

"Physical and Psychological Injury In Women Following Abortion: Akron Pregnancy Services Survey," L.E.H. Gsellman, Association For Interdisciplinary Research Newsletter 5(4):l-8, Sept./Oct. 1993.

A pregnancy services center in Akron, Ohio reported, in one case, that a father's incest had been covered by abortion five times. In another, abortion and two miscarriages covered three pregnancies caused by incest. Both young women had been immediately forced back into their abusive homes because abortion hid the deeds of the perpetuator.

"Adolescent Abortion Option," G. Zakus and S. Wilday, Social Work in Health Care12(4):77-91, Summer 1987.

Women with a history of sexual abuse, including incest, molestation, rape may respond with great anxiety to abortion plans, encompassing even the initial pelvic exam. Oh a conscious or unconscious level these women may associate gynecological and abortion procedures with previous aggressive violations. One such case involved a teenager with an incestuous relationship with her father, who required hospitalization and use of a general anesthetic to do a suction procedure.

"The Consequences of Incest: Giving and Taking Life," G. Maloff in Psychological Aspects of Abortion, ed. D. Mall and W.F. Watts (Washington D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979) 73-110.

Extensive overview article.

"Reflections on Repeated Abortions: The Meanings and Motivations," S. Fisher, J. of Social Work Practice 2(2):70-87, May 1986.

The case of Ellen, a 19-year-old unmarried woman, is described who was living with her parents and sisters (23, 21) and a 28-year- old half-sister. Her half-sister had four prior abortions, her 23-year-old sister had three abortions and her 21-year-old sister one abortion. Ellen was the family's "good girl," academic and likable and seemed to be mothering her mother and sisters. Ellen conceived out of wedlock and had an abortion. Three months later she was pregnant again. The week after her abortion, Ellen had found her father in bed with her step-sister and discovered that her 23-year-old sister had been aware of the incestuous relationship for 12 years. Ellen was angry, disillusioned and felt betrayed. She felt that the incest had given her permission to stop being a "good girl" and trying to maintain an image of a "good family." She and her boyfriend decided to face the pain of the first abortion, live together and have their baby. Ed. Note: The repeated utilization of abortion appeared to help keep the incest a secret.

"Risk to Offspring of Incest," C.O. Carter, The Lancet 1(7487): 436, February 25,1967.

There is a four times greater risk of parents sharing a recessive gene between first- degree relatives compared to first cousins.

"Effects of consanguineous marriages on morbidity and precocious mortality: genetic counseling," N Freire-Maia, Am J Med Gen 18(3): 401-406

The excess risks of morbidity and precocious mortality for the offspring of incestuous matings and of matings of uncles-nieces and aunts-nephews, first cousins once removed, and second cousins have been estimated as 32%, 18%, 9%, 5%, and 2% respectively based on certain assumptions discussed in the article.

"A Study of Children in Incestuous Matings," Eva Seemanora, Human Heredity21(2): 108-128 (1971).

Prenatal, neonatal and infant mortality are higher in incestuous unions; also there is an increased incidence of mental retardation and congenital malformation.

"Father-Daughter Incest-Treatment of the Family," M. Kennedy, and B.M. Cormier, Laval Medical 40(2): 946-950(1969).

Incest is basically a family pathology and by treating it as such there is evidence that there may be gain for all concerned when the family cooperates in treatment.

Commentary

Following a controversy in the UK, we received a request for information on why the results of the 'Victims and Victors' data should be considered rather than dismissed.

1. There are no studies showing abortion benefits women pregnant by sexual assault. None, for example, showing that women who abort more quickly heal from the emotional scars of sexual assault, have less depression, sleep better, or are more likely to excel in their careers or family life. The presumption of benefit is simply that . . . a presumption. And those who challenge that our findings cannot be generalized because of this or that weakness in methodology are faced with the problem that there has been no methodology, even a weak one, applied to their unsubstantiated conclusion that abortion is necessary and beneficial.

2. I know of only three studies of a substantive number of pregnant sexual assault victims. All are limited by the fact that many women will not report a history of abortion or sexual assault, so are limited to populations of women willing to talk about their experience, at least to some degree. So in that respect, one can always argue that they don't represent the "real" population of women. On the other hand, as noted in point 1 above, there is absolutely no evidence that they are not representative of the whole. The only argument against generalizing from what these women have reported is presumption against accepting what they say because it conflicts with one's own prior presumptions.

3. The closest thing to a random study that has been conducted is "Rape-related pregnancy estimates and descriptive characteristics from a national sample of women," MM Holmes et al, Am J Obstet Gynecol 175(2): 320-324, 1996.

This national probability sample of U.S. women found that rape-related pregnancy was 5% per rape among victims of reproductive age (12-45); 32.4% did not discover they were pregnant until the second trimester ;32.2% opted to keep the infant, 50% had an abortion, 5.9% placed the infant for adoption, and 11.8% had a spontaneous abortion.

It does not report how women coped with having the abortion or raising the child or with the adoption or miscarriage. But the fact that 38.1% carried to term and only 50% had an abortion certainly underscores that abortion is not embraced as a universal solution by women who are pregnant by rape.

4. The studies by Sandra Mahkorn, described in Victims and Victors, are based on her own exposure to sexual assault pregnancy cases as a sexual assault counselor. Presumably, she included all cases of which she was familiar (about 70, if I recall correctly). While the number is small and localized, there is no reason to believe it is not representative of women.

5. Our own data, published in Victims and Victors, was gathered by two different groups, as described in Chapter Two, and is a qualitative analysis of a combination of written testimonies and completed questionnaires. Most of the material gathered by Fortress International was from women or the children of women who carried their pregnancies to term. Most of the material gathered by the Elliot Institute was from women who had abortions, a subset of whom reported they had become pregnant as a result of rape or incest. The value of both sets of data was that it was generally more detailed in regard to reports of emotional state and reflections on their adjustment to their experiences. This information is not found in the Holmes study, though it is reflected in the Mahkorn study.

6. In conclusion, while it is certainly fair for critics to question whether our findings are accurate in regard to the majority of sexual assault victims in any subcategory (meaning for those who abort, or carry to term, or place for adoption, or miscarry), there is little reason to question that the findings are substantively true for large proportion of women in these subcategories. This isn't an election, after all, where a 51% majority determines whether abortion is good or bad for sexual assault victims. The evidence that is available, and which we have documented, is that for many women abortion is traumatic. For many, it is unwanted. For many, they feel pressured into the abortion by the social expectation that a "real rape victim" would certainly want to have an abortion.

The second fact, as described in point 1, is that there is no substantive evidence that women who abort sexual assault pregnancies fare better than those who do not. There is not, at least to my knowledge, even a substantive number of women who have stepped forward to assert that they are glad they had an abortion following a rape or incest pregnancy twenty or thirty years ago, much less have offered any substantive insights into why they are glad they did.

Yet critics seem to be asking us to accept the presumption that abortion is beneficial in these cases absent any evidence from those who have been there that it was really experienced as beneficial for a substantive number of women, much less the majority. Yet, the same critics are rushing to dismiss the evidence and testimony of women which calls their presumptions into question.

I certainly don't believe or suggest that the findings we report from our limited sample of women who are self-selected, especially since many women simply don;t want to talk about their experiences in this area, represent the "whole truth" or final word on the topic.

But I do believe they clearly represent a very real truth for a very substantial number of women who have been marginalized and misunderstood by a society which mostly prefers the comforting presumption that abortion helps these women to the discomforting truth that abortion may, at least in many cases, be simply piling trauma on top of trauma.

Additional Reports

"She Had an Abortion After a Brutal Rape and Now Says “The Abortion Just Traumatized Me Further”